
Trump Administration Executive Order (EO) Tracker
Since the general election was called in 2024, Labour has been committed to delivering 1.5 million homes during its first Parliament. Having now come to power the party is, in theory at least, in a position to deliver on that promise. And it is indeed a promise it seems keen to stand by, with Angela Rayner recommitting to that figure in early February 2025. In order to make that dream a reality, the government has announced a raft of changes to the planning regime. Here we set out some of the key proposals, and consider just how likely it is that they can deliver.
The most significant change to date is the revisions made in December 2024 to the National Planning Policy Framework, which sets out the policies to which local planning authorities are to have regard, both when formulating their own local policies, and when determining planning applications. Key changes include:
So, what’s the significance of the grey belt? As mentioned above, when considering release, or in the case of allocations, the grey belt should be considered before all other green belt. Crucially, though, if land is in the grey belt and satisfies other requirements, such as not fundamentally undermining the purposes of the remaining green belt, being in a sustainable location, and there is a need for the relevant scheme, then the policy assumption’s against the grant of permission in the green belt effectively fall away, provided you satisfy the “golden rules”.
Adjusting the policy framework only goes so far. To really deliver a step change in housing delivery we need to see the more speedy determination of applications, resulting in a grant of permission where appropriate. In order to assist with this, the government is consulting on a range of changes to the way planning decisions are made. In particular, it is seeking views on a standard approach to delegation – when a planning application needs to be considered by a committee or where a planning officer can decide the application. It is hoped that this will bring both predictability and speed in enabling officers to make more decisions, and freeing up committee time for those schemes which truly merit committee consideration.
The proposals suggest that these measures could also be supported by dedicated committees for strategic development, which could include expert committee members, and the government is further seeking views on mandatory training for all councils before they can form part of a planning committee. These measures are aimed to ensure that where decisions are being made, they are informed decisions, being made for the right reasons. Whilst this does not necessarily always mean granting permission, it is hoped that, by having a greater understanding of the role of the local plan, members will only refuse applications which are genuinely inappropriate.
However, whilst all these aims seem laudable, there does remain a very real risk that the measures proposed give rise to new issues. For example, could a national scheme of delegation, potentially mandating officer decisions where there is no departure from the development plan, lead to challenges to the decision that there is, indeed, no such departure? If local communities fear that they will have less of a voice if more decisions are being made by officers, it does not seem hard to imagine them trying to find ways to limit that.
On top of this, the last few months have seen a raft of proposals, ranging from formal consultations, to press announcements, including details of some of the matters to be addressed in the eagerly anticipated Planning and Infrastructure Bill, due to be published in spring 2025. These proposals include:
In many ways it is positive that the government has identified so many potential measures to improve the planning regime. There is certainly a lot of work to be done if the 1.5 million homes target is to be met. However, with so many moving parts to ongoing reforms, is there a risk of a lack of cohesion? And even if everything does slot into place, the nature of the beast means that there is a necessary time lag between the conception, and the delivery, of residential development. Even with a fair wind, there remains a very real risk that these reforms won’t make the difference needed before we find ourselves facing another general election.
It's also vital to remember that planning is just one (albeit large) cog in the machine of housing delivery. Without addressing other barriers to delivery, such as viability, no amount of planning reform will enable the government to meet its ambitions.
Having said all of that, for those of us in the planning sphere, it will certainly be fascinating to see how these matters unfold.
Authored by Hannah Quarterman.